Wednesday, January 17, 2018

Valdec and Aslamova, Russian-Croatian hybrid warriors

Via: 45lines.com

Robert Valdec is trying to leave the impression of a raw and brave man. But he is not brave. He is brave and strong just how decisive are those who hired him for the time being. Croatia can be proud of this journalist and his Russian daughter in law Daria Aslamova. The Croatian government should co-finance a film about Robert and Daria. That would be lucrative. If not on Croatian and French, and certainly on the Russian market, this movie would be a success.
Robert Valdec while in Syria let get pictured alongside the dead body of Syrian moderate opposition members and publishes a vicious commentary. He and bodyguard of Marie Le Pen, an ethnic Serb and former French foreign legionnaire Dragan Marković, affectionate fixed placards in order to support the National Front in parts of Paris where Muslims do live. Valdec uses Croatian Television to attack all European governments who allows migrants to enter Europe. He praises Orban’s anti-immigration policy.
Robert Valdec is a Croatian journalist whom Croatian secret service, at the time of hiding General Ante Gotovina of the ICTY find out that he was an associate of the French secret service. It was claimed that Valdec with Ante Roso (an Croatian Military general) and present days chief of Croatian Intelligence Daniel Markić, had been in contact with top French intelligence officer Philippe Rondot in order to hide escapee Ante Gotovina in the south of France.  Salih Fazlić, convicted for providing of forged documents for Gotovina, claimed that Robert Valdec indeed traveled with these documents around the world while Gotovina hid in Croatia. Valdec has never denied it. Today Robert Valdec is openly working for Vladimir Putin. He is a hybrid warrior of Moscow.
Robert Valdec, Daria Aslamova, Segei Lavrov
Daria Aslamova with Russian Federation’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.
His wife, Daria Aslamova, the journalist of the most popular Russian newspaper, Komsomolskaya Pravda is on the Black List, is a few countries as a Russian spy (Ukraine, Turkey…). She traveled last year via Bucharest with a Croatian passport to Chisinau, Moldova’s capital. Airports police prevented her to enter because Russian journalists have to explain the purpose of the visit, and she has not followed the rule. She claimed that the Russian had forgotten and wanted to talk to the police on Croatian. Croatia is a member of the EU and Daria Aslamova can easily travel with the Croatian passport in the world than with the Russians.  However, she has not changed her name and surname. The Moldovan police knew well who is she.
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Daria Aslamova and Robert Valdec since second American intervention in Iraq travel together all over. He claims to be grateful to the Russian embassy in Baghdad, because at the beginning of US intervention in Iraq Russians saved his life
Now he is escorted by Daria Aslamova to Spain, where they advocate Catalan independence. In France, they are on the side of Marine Le Pen. Robert is an old friend with her father Jean Marie Le Penn. In Sweden, they support protesters against “violent” migrants. In Germany they are in liaison with AfD.
Robert Valdec, Jean Marie Le Pen
Robert Valdec on Facebook announces the poor health of Jean Marie Le Pen.
Relations with France and Russia and good knowledge of their languages, Robert can thank his parents. His father worked in the French Consulate in Zagreb before the war for Croatian Independence 1991, and he was recommended for work in the embassy, as Croatia has become independent in the meantime, a consulate became embassy. His mother worked in Astra, a merchant firm of Yugoslav secret services that worked with the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries. His father worked in the French Consulate in Zagreb before the war for Croatian Independence 1991, and he was recommended for work in the embassy, as Croatia has become independent in the meantime, a consulate became embassy. His mother worked in Astra, a merchant firm of Yugoslav secret services that worked with the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries. He wrote that he knows this personally, by the fact that his mother was working in Astra and that Franjo Gregurić, as head of Astra, helped Agrokor at the beginning of Todorić’s takeoff.
Robert Valdec, Syria, Vesna Pusić
Robert Valdec sends greetings to the former Croatian Foreign Minister Vesna Pusić in addition to the Syrian rebels.
Valdec started his “journalistic” career in 1994 in the largest Croatian diary Večernji list in the city section. But he soon worked on special tasks related to the interests of secret services. Robert Valdec acted as a mentally ill patient so he could spy on a banker in sanatorium. He published a protective text on a war criminal from Lika county Tihomir Orešković. In addition to his “journalistic” work for the Russians, he acts as manager for the Balkans and the Israeli “security” company ISA – Israel Security Academy. ISA is accused of being a shield of the Mossad and of infiltrating agents as provocateurs into other countries.
Daria Aslanova, Robert Valdec, Saddam Hussein
Daria Aslanova and Robert Valdec love weaponry. In the picture with the golden AK-47 that belonged to Saddam Hussein.
Robert Valdec is trying to leave the impression of a raw and brave man. But he is not brave. He is brave and strong just how decisive are those who hired him for the time being. Croatia can be proud of this journalist and his Russian daughter in law Daria Aslamova. The Croatian government should co-finance a film about Robert and Daria. That would be lucrative. If not on Croatian and French, and certainly on the Russian market, this movie would be a success.
Posted By: Željko Peratović

Tuesday, January 16, 2018

Norbert Mappes-Niediek: Die Balkanmafia und der kontrollierte Krieg

Via: http://de.45lines.com

In diesen Regionen gab es nie einen totalen Krieg. Es handelte sich immer um einen politisch kontrollierten Krieg.
NORBERT MAPPES – NIEDIEK , JOURNALIST DER ZEITUNG »DIE ZEIT«, AUTOR DES BUCHES »DIE BALKANMAFIA
Nicht der Fanatismus, sondern der Handel kennzeichneten diesen Krieg
Beispiele von schmutzigen Geschäften finden wir am Besten im bosnischen Krieg. Karadžić konnte den Serben in Drvar nicht gestehen, dass Bosnien und Herzegowina geteilt werden soll und dass sie ihre Stadt in Richtung Sanski Most oder Banja Luka verlassen müssten. Dies war die Aufgabe der Kroatischen Armee. Die Vertreibung der Kroaten in Vareš war anderseits nicht die Aufgabe der Kroaten, sondern der Moslems. Dies ist das schmutzige Geschäft und die Logik des bosnischen Krieges – nicht der Völkerhass
Željko Peratović, Vjesnik, “Panorama am Samstag”, 13. Septemeber 2003
Norbert Mappes-Niediek ist Journalist der Deutschen Zeitung Die Zeit. Eine Zeit lang war er Yasushi Akashi’s Berater für das Gebiet des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens. Im Frühling dieses Jahres veröffentlichte er das Buch „Die Balkanmafia“, das verschiedene Dossiers beinhaltet, die bis dahin in Der Zeit erschienen sind. Vor kurzem besuchte er Zagreb, um sich vor Ort über die Vorbereitung für die Übersetzung seines Buches ins Kroatische zu informieren. In Kroatien soll das Buch im Duriex-Verlag erscheinen. Wir nutzten diesen Gelegenheit mit Herrn Mappes-Niedek zu sprechen.
* Das Buch „Die Balkanmafia“ wurde in Deutschland just in der Zeit veröffentlicht, als Zoran Đinđić ermordert wurde. Haben Sie je vermutet, dass so etwas geschehen könnte?
– Zwei Tage nach dem Erscheinen des Buches, wurde Đinđić ermordet. Ich war nicht überrascht. Vor diesem Attentat haben sie schon zwei Mal versucht, ihn zu ermorden. Es ist ganz klar, wer hinter all’ dem steckt. Es handelt sich um das Milieu bestehend aus dem organisiertem Verbrechen und der Kriegsverbrechenschaft. Es ist typisch nicht nur für Serbien, sondern für alle Staaten, die einst Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawien waren. Für die Deutsche Öffentlichkeit war dies doch eine grosse Überraschung. Nach all’ den Kriegen in dieser Region, geriet das ehemalige Jugoslawien mehr oder weniger in Vergessenheit. Man ging von einem klassischen etnischen oder ideologischen Konflikt aus. Niemand wusste um den kriminellen und verbrecherischen Hintergrund der Kriege Bescheid.
* In denjenigen Teil des Buches, wo Sie Đinđić erwähnen, schreiben Sie über seine Beziehungen zur Tabak-Mafia. Was für ein Echo haben diese Erkenntnisse in Deutschland hervorgerufen? Wir wissen, dass gerade Đinđić in Deutschland eine grosse Unterstützung genossen konnte?
– Dieser Hintergrund ist noch nicht völlig klar. In Serbien sowieso nicht. Gemäss den Artikeln in der Zeitschrift “Nacional” wissen wir, dass Đinđić mit den Schmugglern verbündet war. Der Zigaretten-Schmuggel liegt in einer Grauzone, zwischen Legalität und Illegalität. Die Tatsache, dass ein internationaler Markt für den Zigaretten-Schmuggel besteht, für den sich keine der Staaten interessiert, wird von den Kriminellen ausgenutzt. Die grossen Tabakkonzerne wie z.B. Phillip Morris oder BAT verkaufen Zigarreten in die ganzen Welt, aber niemand weiss, wer sie kauft. Niemand weiss, wo sie am Ende angelangen. Die Europäische Union versucht dagegen anzukämpfen. Leider, bis jetzt vergebens.
Die polizeilichen und gerichtlichen Ermittler in Deutschland sind sehr unzufrieden mit der Deutschen Diplomatie, die sich offensichtlich mit diesen Beziehungen überhaupt nicht befassen will. Doch das Wissen über diese Beziehungen ist wichtig für das Verständnis nicht nur der jetzigen Situation zwischen den Staaten, sondern auch für das Verständnis des Konflikts im ehemaligen Jugoslawien. Zum Beispiel, für das Verständnis des wirtschaftlichen Konfliktes zwischen Serbien und Montenegro. Diese Konflikte wurden im Westen nur von der politischen Seite her betrachtet, nicht von der wirtschaftlichen, dessen waren Hintergrund sie darstellen.
* Đukanović und Đinđić werden im Verhältnis zu Milošević als Demokraten angesehen.
– Das sind sie auch. Đukanovic hat, ohne jeden Zweifel, an der Demokratisierung Montenegros beigetragen. Dies gilt umso mehr für Đinđić in Serbien. Seine Rolle am Milosević’s Fall ist geschichtsreif. Aber, schon damals, als Milošević noch an der Macht war, erkannte Đinđić, dass er mit dem kriminellen Kreisen zusammenarbeiten muss, wenn er Milošević besiegen möchte. Es dauerte Monate bis endlich die EU-Gelder für die Opposition Serbien erreichte. Es ist daher leicht zu erklären, wieso die Finanzierung aus den serbischen wirtschaftlichen Kreisen leichter zu organisieren war. Hätte es dieses wirtschaftliche Milieu nicht gegeben, hätte man Milošević nie stürzen können.
* Im Buch erwähnen Sie auch die Unterstützung durch die Brüder Karić und deren Medien.
– Ihre Rolle ist besonders interessant. Am Anfang waren ihre Medien gegen die Opposition. Sie wechselten ihre Meinung ein paar Tage vor Milosević’s Sturz. Hervorheben möchte ich in diesem Zusammenhang, das Treffen zwischen Đinđić und Milorad Luković Legija an einem geheimen Ort, ein Tag vor Milosević’s Sturz.
* Wie bewerten Sie den Erfolg der serbischen Polizeiaktion „Sablja“?
Am Anfang war dies ein grosser Erfolg. Zum ersten Mal merkten die Leute in Serbien, dass ein Staat besteht. Aber, es war von Anfang auch ganz klar, dass die serbische Gerichtsbarkeit keine Möglichkeiten haben wird, alle 4500 Angeschuldigte zu prozessieren. Jetzt haben wir eine Stimmung des backlash. Wir werden sehen, wie sich nun die Gerichtsverhandlungen, die diese Tagen beginnen, abspielen werden. Doch ist es sehr wichtig zu erwähnen, dass die serbische Öffentlichkeit sehen konnte, dass die Polizei fähig ist, gegen die Kriminellen anzukämpfen. Dies konnte man in den anderen Staaten, auch in Kroatien, bis heute noch nicht erkennen.
* Die Beziehungen des organisierten Verbrechens in dieser Region sind sehr interessant.
– Es entsteht der Eindruck, dass das Vebrechen keine Grenzen kannte. Handelt es sich um mehrere Staaten, haben sie ein Paradies für ilegalle Aktionen. Keiner dieser Staaten ist fähig, die Züge des organisierten Verbrechens zu verfolgen. Das bestehen von Grenzen ist für den Schmuggel sehr wichtig. Ohne Grenzen gibt es auch keinen Schmuggel. Die Polizei keines Staates ist fähig mit der Polizei eines anderen Staates zu kooperieren.
* Sie erwähnen die Albaner, als die wichtigsten Akteure des organisierten Verbrechens im Bereich des Drogenhandels in der ganzen Region. Die Albaner haben die Drogen sogar der serbischen Mafia verkauft.
– Ja, genau. Yumco aus Vranje hat die Anzüge für die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee geschnitten. In Serbien wurde deswegen Anklage erhoben. Aber, dies soll nicht bedeuten, dass die Banden multinational seien. Dennoch arbeiten sie auf dem internationalen Markt hervorragend zusammen. In Serbien sprach man immer über die albanische Mafia, und dabei hat man leicht vergessen, welche Rolle die serbische Polizei spielte. Während des Kosovo-Krieges haben sich manche Albaner ziemlich bereichert. Sie hatten überhaupt keine Probleme mit der serbischen Polizei. Einst erklärte mir ein Polizist in Belgrad, wieso so viele Polizisten bereit wären in den Einsatz nach Kosovo zu gehen. Es war ja ziemlich gefährlich. Die Albaner hasste die serbischen Polizisten, und dennoch gab es so viele Freiwillige. Es ist ganz klar, dass für sie die Bereicherung, dh. die Erpressung reicher Albaner, im Vordergrund stand. Dies geschah auch im Jahre 1998, als Serbien der ganzen Welt erklärte, in Kosovo „geschehe“ der Separatismus. Doch was erstaunt ist die Tatsache, dass gerade in dieser Zeit die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee ihre Büros im Zentrum von Priština besass. Kein einziger Polizist kam sich zu erkundigen. Wäre es möglich, dass die ETA Büros in Bilbao besitzt?
* Die ideologischen Vorurteile, die bei der politischen Elite im Westen im Überfluss bestand, werden in ihrem Buch durch die Behauptung widerlegt, dass hinter der Ideologie die alten Strukturen standen, mit ihren Wünschen um Reichtum und Macht?
– Anfangs 1992 kam ich ins ehemalige Jugoslawien. Ich erwartete, fanatische Politiker anzutreffen, die denken würden, ihre Nation sei wertvoller als all’ die anderen. Dem war aber nicht so. Diese Politiker waren grösstenteils nicht fanatisiert, mehr oder weniger waren sie Demokraten. Ihr Job bestand in der Aufteilung des Landes. Sie behaupteten, dies sei unausweichlich. Den Fanatismus traf ich bei den Opfern, beim Volk, nicht bei den Politikern. In Pale vermutete ich die grössten Fanatiker, dem war nicht so. Sie sagten mir, Izetbegović erledigt sein Teil der Arbeit, sie ihren. Ich fühlte, dass der Fanatismus und die Ideologie nicht die ganze Kriegsgeschichte ausmachten.
Als ich in Pale war, sah ich nachts Tankwagen aus Kiseljak, die den serbischen Markt mit Benzin aus dem kroatischen Teil der Region versorgten. Spontane Aktionen gab es in diesem Krieg nicht. Auch keine Demonstrationen. Sogar diejenigen, die sich gegen die Rückkehrer abspielten, waren fingiert. Auf der Strasse befand sich nicht das gemeine Volk, immer waren dies Leute, die von einem Politiker zusammengerufen worden waren.
* Im Buch erwähnen Sie auch die Rolle von Mladen Naletelić Tuta im Handel mit den Serben.
– Ich habe Naletelić nicht persönlich gesehen, doch seine Leute waren überall. Ich sah sie auch in Pale.
* In Ihrem Buch haben Sie auch die Rolle von Fikret Abdić in diesem Krieg erläutert.
– Seit dem Beginn ist seine Geschichte strikt geschäftlicher Natur. Das Waffenembargo des Westen hatte dem im Wesentlichen dazu beigetragen. Das Embargo ermöglichte ein Milieu zwischen Verbrechen und Politik. Sogar der verstorbene Kroatische Minister Šušak hat mit diesen Kreisen verkehrt. Dann die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee, die mit Drogen handelte, um Waffen zu bekommen. In Italien gibt es Beweise für diese Behauptungen.
* Es gibt auch Indizien, dass während der Belagerung von Vukovar die Kroaten von Arkan Waffen gekauft hätten? Es gab, angeblich, Vorschläge, nach der Operation „Sturm“ Banja Luka für Tuzla zu wechseln?
– Ja, solche Karten wurde gezeichnet. Im Herbst 1995, als NATO die bosnischen Serben bombardierte, hatte die kroatische Armee die Aufgabe die westlichen Teile Bosniens einzunehmen, Drvar und andere Orte. Ein General hatte mit seiner Armee den Fluss Sana überquert und schon am Tag danach wurde er von seinem Posten genommen. Er hat die Grenze der Absprache überschritten. In diesen Regionen gab es nie einen totalen Krieg. Es handelte sich immer um einen politisch kontrollierten Krieg.
* Schon damals beim Kampf um Vukovar sprach man von einem Deal.
– Ja, Vukovar war das erste Beispiel, bei dem sich die Leute fragten, um was es hier geht. Meine Meinung ist aber, dass der Westen bis heute nicht begriffen hat, was sich in diesen Kriegen abgespielt hatte.
* Lange Zeit sah der Westen nur in den Moslems die Opfer.
– Es entspricht auch der Wahrheit, dass das bosnische Volk im bosnischen Krieg das grösste Opfer war, nicht aber die bosnische Führung. Im Westen meinte man, die Bosnier würden die Idee eines multiethnischen Staates verteidigen. Doch, wäre dem so gewesen, gäbe es keine Vertreibungen von Kroaten in Bugojno. Sie hatten zwei Möglichkeiten: das einheitliche Bosnien und Herzegowina, und wenn dies nicht möglich sei, dann wollten sie einen separatistischen, moslemischen Staat. Sehen Sie sich nur das Beispiel von Vareš an, in dem überwiegend Kroaten lebten. Dort waren die Leute keine Nationalisten, doch wurden sie Opfer einer Vereinbarung zwischen der kroatischen und bosnischen Regierung.
* Im Unterschied zu Serbien, sagen Sie, hätte Kroatien einen funktionierenden Staat. Doch, das organisierte Verbrechen, welches aus dem Krieg hervorging, wirkt auch in Kroatien noch immer.
– Dieses Problem wird noch lange anwesend sein. Seit dem Beginn hatte das organisierte Verbrechen in der Erschaffung von Institutionen eine wichtige Rolle gespielt. Dies sieht man nun am Beispiel von Kosovo. Das Ziel war die Erschaffung von Institutionen, dies wiederum förderte die Institutionalisierung des organisierten Verbrechens. Nun versuchen die internationalen Truppen in Kosovo die Lustration von Leuten, die an die Macht wollen. Weder in Serbien noch in Kroatien gab es solch’ eine Lustration.
aus dem Kroatischen übersetzt: Nada Peratović
Posted By: Željko Peratović

Monday, January 15, 2018

Croatian mud: The attackers were sentenced. The organizers are free.

Domagoj Margetić said he would report his case with Ivica Orešković to the Mission of leading organisations for protection of media freedom during her stay in Croatia these days.  I am sorry that the Croatian authorities,  Croatian Journalists’ Association as well as the leading organizations for the protection of media freedom, have so far not reacted to my case in connection with the same person who attacked Domagoj Margetić.
I welcome the fact that three perpetrators responsible for beating the investigative journalist @45lines Željko Peratović in 2015, were sentenced to in total 7,5 years in prison. It is a clear sign that attacks against journalists will be properly punished.
OSCE media freedom published this comment on twitter on January 11 as a reaction to the news in Jutarnji list that three people were sentenced by the first-instance verdict: Vladimir Čunko Sr (1 year prison), Vladimir Čunko Jr (3 years in prison) and Zihnija Grahović (3,5 years in prison), together to 7.5 years in prison, because they attacked me on May 28, 2015 in my house in Karlovac.
Peratović: I am satisfied, but the police and prosecution failed to consider that the attackers came back to finish me off
For the defeated Peratović, the crime was a clear murder attempt, but he was pleased with the verdict
– In view of the behavior of the Karlovac Police and the Karlovac Prosecution in this case, which have been underlined by the total obstruction, I am satisfied with the judgment of Judge Nenad Lukić. Police have failed to criminalize that the defendants were twice in my possession, namely that they came to kill me another time after someone told them that they did not succeed for the first time. Police have characterized it only as damaging someone else’s stuff (broken entrance door and windshield on the car). The prosecution did not want to analyze the telephone contacts of the person I considered the organizer of the murder attempt with the perpetrators of that act. The prosecution dismissed my proposal with the explanation that this way these people would be hurt by human rights, Peratovic told Jutarnji list for the first-instance verdict.
Since I left Croatia in the summer of 2016 I have visited my homeland only a few times, and only for the testimony in court. I do not feel safe in Croatia regardless of this verdict.
I especially do not feel secure when I learned that journalist Domagoj Margetić was attacked by Zagreb on December 13, 2016 in Zagreb by Ivica Orešković, a person with a criminal past linked to war crimes in Gospić and Josip Perković, UDBA chief sentenced in Germany  – the topics I am writing for decades.
sentenced, Margetić, Orešković
Margetić tells that he was attacked by Ivica Orešković and that police and judiciary have not taken anything to punish the attacker for more than a year.
Ivica Orešković also threatened me in April 2012 while I was at dinner with German journalist Norbert Mappes-Niedik.  Clan Orešković and their helpers in Croatia and Switzerland have been reported to Croatian and Swiss authorities  in August 2017 because I have evidence that they are frightened by the German authorities’ investigation of the involvement of Tihomir Orešković, Milan Štimac and Tomislav Mičić in the murders of Yugoslav State Security Services of Croatian emigrants in the 80s on German soil. New suspects are associated with first-degree sentenced chiefs of communist secret police Josip Perković and Zdravko Mustač.
Domagoj Margetić said he would report his case with Ivica Orešković to the Mission of leading organisations for protection of media freedom during her stay in Croatia these days.  I am sorry that the Croatian authorities,  Croatian Journalists’ Association as well as the leading organizations for the protection of media freedom, have so far not reacted to my case in connection with the same person who attacked Domagoj Margetić.
Posted By: Željko Peratović

Saturday, January 13, 2018

Gospić: Milan Levar stato assassinato con una bomba

Era stato Levar ad indirizzare gli inquirenti dell’Icty verso quelle fosse e a fare i nomi del colonnello Tihomir Orešković e del generale Mirko Norac (tuttora vivi, vegeti e attivi in Croazia) come mandanti e in certi casi esecutori.
Giacomo Scotti, giornalista e publicista croato-italiano da Fiume, forse e uno di tutti quelli que adatto una vasta visione di un caso di giustizia di Gospic che a trasmesso in modo sincero qualche pezzi intriganti di testimonianze Milan Levar, que sono statti insilentio e omerta della maggioranza croata et tutto resto della massmedia del mondo
Un testimone di troppo
Milan Levar era un accusatore fondamentale nelle indagini del tribunale dell’Aja sulle stragi nella Croazia di Franjo Tuđman ai danni della minoranza serba: aveva fornito prove e indicato i mandanti. E’ stato assassinato con una bomba, lunedì scorso
L’articolo che segue e’ tratto da “il manifesto” del 30. 08. 2000.
GIACOMO SCOTTI- ZAGABRIA
All’epoca del regime di Tuđman fu più volte “avvertito”: prima cacciato dall’esercito, poi perseguitato in vari modi, e l’anno scorso gli fu infine quasi distrutta la casa con il lancio di alcune granate. Con il governo democratico di Račan ha perso invece la vita, dilaniato dall’esplosione di un ordigno posto dai soliti ignoti nel cortile della sua casa a Gospić. Ha così chiuso la sua vicenda umana Milan Levar, testimone del Tribunale internazionale dell’Aja che aveva avuto il coraggio – uno dei rarissimi in Croazia – di denunciare prima all’opinione pubblica e poi ai giudici istruttori dell’Icty i crimini compiuti nell’autunno del 1991 a Gospić, il “buco nero” della Croazia, da bande terroristiche del partito di Tudjman che formarono poi i reparti “speciali” del nuovo esercito croato addetti alla pulizia etnica in varie regioni del paese. In qualità di sottufficiale, Levar era stato testimone diretto di alcune stragi. Su questo stesso giornale abbiamo più volte riportato le sue rivelazioni.
L’esplosione che ha ucciso Milan Levar è avvenuta alle 15.45 di lunedì. Si è saputo soltanto che l’ordigno, insieme all’uomo, ha squarciato un’automobile che Levar stava riparando nel cortile dove aveva una officina automeccanica. Pur trovandosi poco distanti, sono rimasti illesi il figlio dodicenne di Levar e il suo cane.
Gospić, Tuđman, Norac, Šušak
Franjo Tuđman con Gojko Šušak e Mirko Norac a Gospić
Il giudice istruttore al quale sono state affidate le indagini sull’attentato, Pavo Rukavina, fu uno dei perni del regime tuđmaniano, lo stesso che ha sistematicamente ignorato ogni richiesta di far luce sui crimini di guerra compiuti nella zona, dove gli inquirenti del Tribunale internazionale hanno rinvenuto recentemente alcune fosse comuni contenenti le ossa di una parte delle vittime dei massacri. Era stato Levar ad indirizzare gli inquirenti dell’Icty verso quelle fosse e a fare i nomi del colonnello Tihomir Orešković e del generale Mirko Norac(tuttora vivi, vegeti e attivi in Croazia) come mandanti e in certi casi esecutori. Con le sue rivelazioni Levar aveva puntato il dito anche su personaggi molto, molto in alto: il defunto ministro della difesa Gojko Šušak, braccio destro di Tuđman e capo dell’ala neo-ustascia in seno al partito-regime del tempo.
Per tutti questi motivi Levar aveva nemici potenti e ancora in grado di agire indisturbati.
Insieme a Sisak, Karlobag, Zara, Karlovac, Pakrac ed altri luoghi in cui furono compiuti i primi massacri della guerra civile in Croazia nello scorcio del 1991 ed all’inizio del 1992 ad opera degli “specialisti” di Tuđman, Gospić è il “buco nero” di questo paese; vi predominano i neofascisti e vi regna l’omertà filomafiosa. La maggior parte della popolazione, dopo la cacciata di circa cinquemila serbi dai quartieri orientali della città, è stata costretta per anni a tacere fino a divenire corresponsabile dei massacri compiuti a fini “patriottici” per la croatizzazione della città e della Croazia. Pertanto considerava Milan Levar un “traditore nazionale” per la sua collaborazione con il Tribunale dell’Aja. L’uomo era dunque continuamente sottoposto a pressioni, intimidazioni e attentati di “avvertimento”. Due anni prima del lancio di granate contro la sua casa, nel 1996, la sua auto uscì fuori strada in circostanze misteriose finendo in un burrone; l’uomo ne uscì con contusioni e leggere ferite.
Nonostante ciò, Levar continuò a sfidare coraggiosamente i suoi persecutori affermando che “i criminali, anche quelli di parte croata, devono essere processati se si vuole evitare che il paese e il popolo finiscano per essere identificati con determinati gruppi criminali”. Evidentemente, però, i gruppi criminali sono ancora forti e si sentono al sicuro.
Gospić, neo-ustascia, Trusić
Zvonimir Trusić e nell’estate 2017 con una bandiera neo-ustascia
Non è un caso se l’assassinio di Levar avviene in questi giorni. Il momento è caratterizzato da un forte revival di neofascismo che impunemente sfida il nuovo governo democratico. Un governo debole, purtroppo, e troppo accondiscendente. Proprio due giorni addietro l’estrema destra nazi-ustascia croata, con alla testa Zvonimir Trusić , il fondatore del “Movimento per la verità e la giustizia” che riunisce una ventina di gruppuscoli neonazisti e di camice nere, ha avuto l’ardire, con l’autorizzazione del competente ministero, di fondare un “Comitato croato di Helsinki per la tutela dei diritti umani” (Hho) esattamente identico, nella sola denominazione però, alla già esistente organizzazione democratica che da anni si batte contro la pulizia etnica, denuncia i crimini di guerra ed altri, e lotta contro il neoustascismo in Croazia.
Con la registrazione del Comitato Hho degli ustascia, il governo ha praticamente messo fuori legge il vero Comitato croato di Helsinki.
Sintomatico è pure il fatto che, a un giorno dall’uccisione di Levar, tutti gli esponenti dell’Hdz ai quali è stato chiesto un commento hanno respinto il “tentativo di politicizzare” l’accaduto. Nulla hanno voluto dichiarare neppure il sindaco della città ed i leader dei partiti al governo presenti sul territorio della Lika di cui Gospić è il capoluogo. Ha fatto eccezione Josip Manolić, ex capo dei servizi segreti e primo ministro nel primo governo di Tuđman, da diversi anni alla testa di un partito democratico nato dalla scissione dell’Hdz.
Gospić, Manolić, Levar, Peratović
Željko Peratović e Josip Manolić nell’estate del 2015 a Zagabria
Da anni Manolić punta il dito sul “cancro” di Gospić, per cui venne a conflitto con il “supremo” Tuđman. La responsabilità morale dell’assassinio di Milan Levar, secondo Manolić, “ricade su coloro che negli ultimi sette mesi si sono dimostrati inetti e inefficaci nel governare”. Ha aggiunto: “Se in sette mesi non hanno mosso un dito per portare alla sbarra gli uomini contro i quali Levar ha lanciato più volte le sue accuse e dei cui crimini da anni esistono documenti e testimoni, questi governanti non sono degni di stare al governo”. La coalizione democratica al governo, secondo Manolić, ha fin troppo tentennato e non è ancora riuscita a creare quello Stato di diritto che Tuđman distrusse per instaurare un regime mafioso. Alla domanda “Chi ha ucciso Levar?”, Manolić ha risposto: “Coloro i quali sono stati da lui accusati di essere criminali di guerra, è chiaro!”.
Sull’argomento è attesa una reazione anche da parte dei Paesi alle cui ambasciate a Zagabria, e ci riferiamo alle maggiori potenze militari e industriali, compresa l’Italia, Milan Levar consegnò la propria testimonianza sui crimini di guerra e con i cui ambasciatori mantenne soventi contatti, come rivelava ieri il quotidiano di Fiume Novi List.
Gospić, ustascia, Levar, Orešković
Milan Levar dopo la sua testimonianza all’Aia
STRAGI
I reparti “speciali” di Tuđman a Gospić
Come questo giornale ebbe a riferire in diverse occasioni negli scorsi anni ed anche nella primavera di questo, tra l’agosto 1991 e il febbraio 1992 Gospić (e il circostante territorio della Lika) fu teatro di orrendi massacri di civili di etnia serba da parte di reparti “speciali” dell’appena nascente esercito croato di Tudjman. Secondo i dati finora raccolti, i civili trucidati nella sola Gospić furono più di cento. Di 63 vittime dell’eccidio esiste anche un elenco nominativo, che fu inviato a Tuđman nell’ottobre ’91 perché facesse cessare il bagno di sangue. Invece gli eccidi continuarono. Secondo uno dei leader della minoranza serba rimasta in Croazia, il prof. Milorad Pupovac, “nel periodo fra l’autunno ’91 e la primavera ’92, nelle varie città croate furono massacrati 700 civili di etnia serba”, compresi bambini e adolescenti. Un altro leader serbo cittadino croato, il deputato al parlamento di Zagabria Milan Đukić, dice invece che “solo nelle città furono liquidati più di 3.000 serbi”.
Aggiungendo i massacri compiuti nei villaggi, sempre secondo l’onorevole, si arriva alla cifra di 5.673 civili serbi ammazzati. Nella sola città di Sisak “sparirono per sempre oltre 500 persone”.
TESTIMONIANZE
“Levar mi ha detto: ci sono delle fotografie”
Sul caso Levar ha rilasciato alcune dichiarazioni importanti il giornalista Željko Peratović del settimanale zagrabese Fokus, uno dei pochi reporter croati che hanno seguito da vicino la faccenda degli eccidi di Gospić e di altri anche ai tempi di Tuđman, per cui ha subito – e continua a subire – pressioni e minacce. Con Levar ha avuto un lungo colloquio telefonico poche ore prima che l’uomo venisse dilaniato dall’ordigno. “Diceva di essere soddisfatto per come si stava sviluppando la situazione. Abbiamo parlato delle stragi di Gospić e poi dei massacri compiuti dall’esercito croato nella Sacca di Medak nel 1993. Di questo massacro si sta interessando Carla Del Ponte, capo della Procura del Tribunale dell’Aja. Levar mi ha detto che esistono fotografie sulle quali si vedono il generale Janko Bobetko il leader dell’Hdz Drago Krpina (ambedue in parlamento, ndr) accanto a un mucchio di cadaveri di civili e di prigionieri catturati e poi sterminati a Medak”. Peratović ha poi rivelato che, a causa di continue minacce, la sorella di un altro importante testimone croato del tribunale dell’Aja, Zdenko Ropac, si è gravemente ammalata.
 Autor: Željko Peratović
Via


Zvonimir Trusić: Gotovina is a pussy

Today Zvonimir Trusić with his connections in the police and secret services helps Tihomir Orešković not to be extradited to Germany on suspicion that he participated in the killings of political emigrants Đuro Zagajski and Stjepan Đureković in 1983.
Retired Croatian General Ante Gotovina was not at the commemoration for the sentenced war criminal Slobodan PraljakZvonimir Trusić, former president of of the Association of Croatian Homeland War Volunteers (UHDDR), wrote on Facebook that Gotovina is a pussy.
Zvonimir Trusić first time ugly talked about Gotovina in 2012 after the general returned from The Hague.
“Unfortunately, Gotovina betrayed us. We are all the time were with him, undertook various actions, we wrote to the blood, and he returned to Croatia, declared the war to be over, and he still sucks up institutions that are persecuted him,” said Zvonimir Trusić, president of the movement “Stop the persecution of Croatian war veterans”.
Who is this man?
On Croatian 45lines, I have found that Zvonimir Trusić befor Homeland war has been in contact with UDBA, that he was later more times suspected of war crimes in the war, but that thanks to the fact that he remained an associate of the secret services of the new state, he has never been prosecuted. I described his connection with Ante Gugić, a person who before the war was the head of the socialist militia in Sesvete. Gugić was the head of the General Crime Department in Zagreb police in 1991 and conducted an investigation into Zvonimir Trusić for war crimes, but his application was dismissed because the suspects were questioned without a witness. The Croatian public still doubts that Gugić made a deliberate omission.
Zvonimir Trusić, Ante Gugić, Ante Nobilo
Ante Gugić was later the head of the Military Police Criminal Department at the defense ministry. He was sent to Herzegovina in 1993/94 to assist General Slobodan Praljak and others in HVO. When he returned to Croatia, he was the head of the Military Intelligence Service SIS and attended the testimony of protected witness Stjepan Mesić in the process of Tihomir Blaškić from lawyer Ante Nobilo.
The most respected Croatian journalist Viktor Ivančić published in Feral Tribune 1995  a criminal charge filed by Ante Gugić against Zvonimir Trusić and others from the so-called Merčep unit.
… The indictment, signed by the head of the department, Ante Gugić, states that the members of the unit under command of Tomislav Merčep, the accused Miroslav Bajramovic, Stjepan Manđarelo and a few others, on 10/31/1991 following the orders of their commander Zvonimir Trusić abducted Miloš Ivoševic, Rade Paić and Marko Gruić at the building site of Ivošević’s house in Zagreb (81 Rudeska cesta). They took them to Pakračka Poljana and handed them over to Branko Šarić a.k.a. Kosa, the headquarters commander at the time, who kept them imprisoned for 10 days. “During that time, the accused Mijo Jajić and other members of the unit physically mistreated the victims (beatings, electric shocks and other)”. During the night between 11/11 and 11/12 the three victims, together with nine other unidentified prisoners, were taken to the village of Bujavica near Pakrac and massacred in the cellar of a family house. The indictment also states that, following the orders of Tomislav Mercep and Zvonimir Trusić, Igor Mikola and Siniša Rimac abducted Ina Zoričić-Nuić a.k.a. Marina, who was a member of the crisis headquarters in the borough of Kraljevica near the city of Rijeka, from the burial of Pavo Mlinarić (also a member of the Merčep’s unit) at the Mirogoj cemetery in Zagreb. After interrogation at the Zagreb fair grounds they drove her toward the locality known as Janja Lipa, about half a mile from Pakračka Poljana, where the accused Antun Jurgec executed the victim. At the same spot, in November 1991, Igor Mikola and Munib Suljićexecuted Aleksandar Antić, a.k.a. Saša, also a member of the reserve police unit; according to the indictment, all that happened “according to the orders of and in collaboration between commanders Tomislav Merčep, Zvonimir Trusić, Đemal Paloš and Zvonimir Zakošek.”
Mikola thinks that Pavo Mlinarić was executing people even before Mikola and the friends arrived in Pakračka Poljana. Mikola remembers that a German whom they called Saša and a Bosniac who lived in Germany beat on prisoners and pierced their ears with knifes (“every single one talked after that”); in this way they obtained names of other persons who might be ‘interesting’. “That way they formed a list of persons which would be submitted to Tomislav Merčep.” Mikola stated that himself, Miro and Pika (Miljenko Zadro) took a man dressed in a military uniform who had a gun and two hand grenades to a meadow where they shot at him. “Tomica Merčep and Zvonimir Trusić knew about this execution; it is assumed that the guys who interrogated the victim also knew about the execution. Mikola believes that the order for execution was given by Merčep or Trusić. The murdered man was found a day later by some villagers from a nearby Croatian village. He believes that they informed someone about this and were told to remove the body. He is certain that the body was buried, but he doesn’t know where. By the way, he was rarely present during interrogations. As he says ‘our duty was to take people away and kill them, nothing else’.”
According to the Mikula’s statement, the meeting in the Zagreb restaurant “Trnjanka” which was attended by Merčep, Branimir Glavaš, Stipe Spajić, Zvonimir Trusić and Miro Briševac had the crucial role in the death of Saša Antić. Munib Suljić brought Saša in a blue Volkswagen Rabbit, with police markings. Saša was disarmed at the fairgrounds; when Trusić passed by, he said:” What is he doing here; don’t do that here, take him away.” Sasa was taken handcuffed to Pakračka Poljana; there two prisoners were picked out and they dug a hole at a meadow. Saša told Mikola: “You should kill me, but quickly.” Mikola responded:” Don’t be afraid.” Saša turned and asked him: “How do you want me to stand?” He told him to kneel. When Saša knelt, Mikola shot him from a hand gun in the back of the head. He thought that he shot from a “zbrojovka” which he usually carried with him. When the dead man fell in the hole he fired another bullet, into his heart. After that the two prisoners buried the corpse. Rimac and Suljić were also present at that execution. The report also says this:” He remembers that he was a good friend of Sasa. Sasa even gave him a sweat shirt as a present in Osijek and also gave him a gun. The day before the execution they went for a walk around the city [Zagreb] and had fun. He thinks that Saša’s murder was a test, the purpose of which was to check how obedient he was and whether he was ready to follow any orders. He believes that he would have been next if he refused to obey that order.”
Zvonimir Trusić, Branko Škrtić
Two agents of provocateurs at the war veterans’ protest in Rijeka: Branko Škrtić and Zvonimir Trusić.
Siniša Rimac, born in 1973 in Vukovar, interrupted his vocational school after the massacre in Borovo Selo and, together with Igor Mikola, Nebojša Hodak, Pavo Mlinarić and others started a sentry duty. Immediately after his arrival to Gospić, Rimac and the friends completed several actions in which they removed barricades from the streets and captured a military warehouse and 18 members of the so-called JNA [Yugoslav Peoples Army]. They took part in several pursuit actions against Chetniks in the area around Gospić. They found out from Zvonimir Trusić and Stipe Manđarelo in the Zagreb cafe “Style ’92” that Merčep was about to open a new front in Pakrac; hence they also headed that way.
Munib Suljić stated that he didn’t know anything about the abductions of people from the Zagreb area, and added that “all orders in connection with apartment checks, confiscation of arms and abductions of people from apartments in the Zagreb area were issued by Zvonimir Trusić; he would leave peaces of paper with data in an office inside pavilion number 22 at the Zagreb fairgrounds; whoever was first to arrive to the office would get that piece of paper and had to carry out the checks that were demanded by Trusić.” Suljić emphasized that he never went alone to carry out checks and apartment searches, but that everything was done based on the orders of Trusić, Merčep, or Stjepan Manđarelo. On one occasion Suljić received from Trusić a business card belonging to Borislav Ostojić, from Rijeka. He was told to bring that man to Zagreb together with general Uzelac’s brother. Suljić also said that, according to a Merčep’s order, Siniša Rimac, Igor Mikola, Nebojsa Hodak, Častimir Marić, Željko Bašić and Suljić himself were supposed to travel abroad “in order to carry out checks of people on a certain list of people working against the Croatian authorities.”
In October, Merčep’s unit liberated Kukunjevac, Toranj and other villages in the Pakrac area; Mercep was wounded in fighting near Lovska. Nikola Rukavina a.k.a. “Pop” who imposed himself, Zvonimir Trusić and Branko Šarić Kosa (Merčep emphasized that he had appointed only Šarić) took over the command of the unit; finally, Đemo Paloš took over the command; “he is the person who knows the most about the events in Pakračka Poljana.”
….
Viktor Ivančić, Dossier Pakračka Poljana, Feral Tribune, 8/21/95
Trusić, Praljak, Tuta, Gugić
In the Praljak’s web archive  I found that at the end of 1993 Ante Gugić, the policeman who arrested Trusić 1991, now chief of the criminal police in the Herzegovina wrote Slobodan Praljak that he received information from Zvonimir Trusić that Mladen Naletilić Tuta paid 3 million DEM for Praljak’s murder.
In 1993, Zvonimir Trusić founded the Association of Croatian Homeland War Volunteers (UHDDR) with the convicted war criminals Tomislav Merčep and Tihomir Orešković. This was what Tihomir Orešković spoke in an interview with Jasna Babić in Globus.
* You are one of the founders of the Association of Croatian Homeland War Volunteers (UHDDR, together with Tomislav Merčep and Zvonimir Trusić). It sounds like an organization of Croatian “primaries” dissatisfied with roles, status …
– That is not correct. Nobody from the Association does not seek any benefits for himself. On the contrary! We demand not to be neglected by wounded volunteers, widows and orphans.
They need to provide housing, scholarships, jobs… Especially for children of  volunteers, because while their fathers have been killed, others have acquired internships, education, and many, and wealth.
* There are other organizations of Croatian defenders in Croatia. Why did you set up a special association if it was not a kind of opposition?
“We have founded it because we are different from most other soldiers of the Republic of Croatia. We were not mobilized. When we went to war in 1991, we were not promised anything, we did not set any conditions regarding wages, apartments or roles. We do not calculate and weave, who will be the winner. We probably differ from those Croatian officers and soldiers who at that time were still followers of Veljko Kadijević, Blagoje Adžić and SK – Yugoslavia Movement.
* I suppose your association also has some political goals?
– Only one: to prevent the rebuilding of any kind of Yugoslavia. If necessary – again with a rifle in our hand.
Today Zvonimir Trusić with his connections in the police and secret services helps Tihomir Orešković not to be extradited to Germany on suspicion that he participated in the killings of political emigrants Đuro Zagajski and Stjepan Đureković in 1983.
Posted By: Željko Peratović
http://en.45lines.com/zvonimir-trusic-gotovina-is-a-pussy/


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